Niamey, Niger – “Today we don’t talk about politics”, said Aissata* to her teenage daughter on the way to her parents’ house for the traditional Sunday meeting in Niamey.
“We can’t talk about any of this with others. I don’t want any tension at the table.”
The 60-year-old mother of four and former teacher returned to Niger with her family five years ago after spending most of her adult life in the United States. She and her husband decided to retire to their homeland when their youngest daughter left home to study.
Since the July 26, 2023 coup against Mohamed Bazoum – a democratically elected leader and close ally of the European Union who governed just two years before being forced from office – Aissata has welcomed the military government and the new President , Abdourahamane Tchiani.
“I think some people misjudge Tchiani because he is part of the old establishment that he condemns today. But as the former head of the presidential guard, he is not responsible for the shortcomings of previous governments,” she told Al Jazeera.
“Tchiani is saying that he will free us from our old system and give priority to Niger and Nigeriens. That’s what we need, more than anything.”
Aissata, like many of her fellow Nigerians, subscribed to the revived notion of “Labou Sani no” in Zarma and “Zentchen Kassa” in Hausa, two of the country’s main indigenous languages.
Etymologically rooted in the idea of the “country of the fathers”, this concept demands an unshakable commitment to the nation, to the point of self-sacrifice. It is a call for unity and loyalty to the country, transcending all other identities and loyalties.
Since declaring himself head of state after the military took power from Bazoum, former head of the presidential guard Tchiani, and his new government, have rallied the population to prioritize the nation’s needs, above all, at a time of conflict.
In the aftermath of the coup, the regional bloc of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) imposed a battery of economic sanctions on Niger.
More than six months later, in February, the bloc reviewed its strategy and opted for a gesture of appeasement against the military government by “lifting with immediate effect” the closure of land and air borders, lifting the suspension of all economic transactions between the ECOWAS countries and Niamey, as well as the freezing of assets held by the Nigerian State in commercial and central banks.
But the socioeconomic damage had already been done.
‘Fighting’
According to the National Institute of Statistics of Niger (INS), between the end of July and the end of August 2023, the cost of some of the country’s staple foods increased significantly; the price of rice and sorghum increased by more than 16 percent, followed by wheat and corn (12 percent), millet (6.4 percent) and meat (5.2 percent). Additionally, the Sahel country faced electricity shortages as Nigeria, which supplies 70 percent of Niger’s electricity, cut power supplies to the country in line with ECOWAS sanctions.
Similarly, a $400 million deal to begin exporting crude oil to China via a 2,000-km (1,243-mile) pipeline linking Niger’s Agadem oil field to the port of Benin was delayed and committed. Even after the bloc’s sanctions were lifted, Benin’s compliance with the land border closure paved the way for continued rivalry between the two countries.
Part of the general public resented ECOWAS and its Western allies for what they saw as a condemnation of the Nigerien people along with their de facto leaders.
In October 2023, EU foreign ministers decided to draft sanctions against Nigerian military leaders, aligning with measures taken by ECOWAS. Although they included humanitarian exemptions to alleviate the impact on the civilian population, the average Nigerian perceived this measure as a way to embolden ECOWAS, at the cost of their lives.
“It was not possible to get medicine in pharmacies. We needed everything to be brought from abroad by friends and contacts”, explained Aissata.
“But most Nigeriens didn’t have these connections. People were struggling to survive. They still are to this day. I blame ECOWAS and the European nations that supported them.”
Niamey’s usual relaxed atmosphere seems to have given way to a certain weariness in the face of increasing difficulties. But Nigerians are not new to conflict. The World Food Program reported that even before the coup, 3.3 million Nigeriens were already facing severe food insecurity.
Upon assuming power, the military pledged to put an end to what they called “exploitation of Niger’s natural resources by foreign powers”. Since then, the rift between Niger and France, its former colonial power, has deepened.
The last French soldiers left the country at the end of 2023 and France closed its embassy in Niamey. On June 20, Niger announced that it had revoked the exploration license for an important uranium deposit from the French company Orano, following up on an ultimatum given to the company.
A few years ago, protests began to emerge across the Sahel region demanding the withdrawal of French troops involved in counterinsurgency Operation Barkhane in Mali. Notably, in late November 2021, a Barkhane military convoy was blocked and rock-bombed in Burkina Faso and later in Niger. These forces were criticized for their apparent ineffectiveness and even accused of collusion with armed groups.
“We are witnessing the political instrumentalization of hostility towards certain aspects of the colonial legacy, such as the CFA franc and military cooperation. This creates fertile ground for authorities who do not have legal legitimacy and seek popular legitimacy”, explained Amadou Sadjo Barry, researcher in the ethics of international relations and professor of philosophy in Quebec, in an interview with Le Monde in the aftermath of the coup.
After being expelled from Mali, France stationed around 3,000 troops in the Sahel, with a significant presence in Niger, one of its main regional allies. Bazoum’s supposed proximity to France ended up backfiring in a context of growing resentment towards the former colonial empire.
‘Pro-junta or pro-Bazoum’
A year after the military coup, the nation appears deeply divided.
“Either you are pro-junta or pro-Bazoum,” said Fátima*, Aissata’s older sister.
A former civil servant whose husband worked for the government, she lost her job after the coup.
“They’re just out for blood. There has been a witch hunt in Niger since they came to power. They are not interested in creating a new and improved country or in governing the country. They want to overthrow people and accumulate wealth and power,” she said of military leaders.
Referring to the new government’s notion that it wants to put Niger and Nigerians first, Fatima argued: “Their official speech is just propaganda and divisive rhetoric.”
Aissata and her sister’s relationship has been strained for several months. They will never be able to discuss politics without it turning into an explosive fight. They chose to avoid the subject, and sometimes each other, completely.
“I can’t trust anyone – not even my sister – if she thinks it’s okay for the former president and his family to be treated the way they were treated… deprived of their freedom, rights and dignity,” he added. Fatima.
Bazoum was ousted in what international observers considered an exemplary democratic transition. He was immediately arrested by the coup plotters. For almost a year, the deposed president has been confined to his home with his wife and son. He vehemently refused to sign a resignation letter.
In a crucial ruling on June 15, the Niger State Court stripped Bazoum of his immunity. This development set the stage for the former president to face charges of alleged high treason. Bazoum’s lead lawyer, Moussa Coulibaly, criticized the decision, calling it a blatant denial of independent justice in Niger.
Amnesty International also condemned the decision, calling it a violation of procedural standards and defense rights.
Furthermore, the National Council for the Safeguard of the Fatherland (CNSP), also known as the transitional government, froze the accounts of numerous family members, supporters and former collaborators of the deposed president in Niger.
A series of scams
The 2023 coup d’état in Niger was not a surprise.
Since gaining independence in 1960, the governments of this landlocked West African state have been overthrown four times, among countless other attempts that have punctuated its political history.
In recent years, the Sahel region has been marked by instability; a series of coups d’état that challenged existing security alliances designed to resist long-standing transnational “terrorist” aggression.
On December 2, 2023, Burkina Faso and Niger announced their withdrawal from the G5 Sahel and its joint force, following Mali’s withdrawal in 2022. Four days later, Mauritania and Chad, the remaining members, declared the upcoming dissolution of the G5 Sahel. The association created in 2014 was designed to bring together West African countries fighting against the proliferation of “terrorist” factions and organized crime. The plan was to fight all forms of insecurity in a holistic way, blending military and development approaches.
Niger is now involved in a different strategic alliance. As part of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), made up of the militaries Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, the three governments also signed a defense pact focused on the fight against “terrorism”.
Although the military government does not openly reveal how the country’s army has handled the fighting, the nation has just suffered a murderous attack. Twenty soldiers and one civilian were killed on June 25, in an attack in the Tera region, in the west of the country.
Aissata discovered the attack on Facebook. “It’s a tragedy. But I truly believe that we are in this terrible situation because of previous governments and their negligence. We need a change in our strategy. We also need to give our leaders time to succeed.”
In one of Niamey’s main markets, vendors and consumers are unwilling to comment on the security situation or military governance.
“You can ask me again in a few years when the tension is not so high,” says Abdoulaye, a vegetable seller.
“One thing I will say is that I know people who go to rallies and are so sure of what the government is doing and that Tchiani will solve all their problems. I know I don’t believe he will.
“It was difficult for us to survive when Bazoum was in power. It’s difficult now. We cannot trust any of these leaders. Only God can save us.”
*Names changed to protect privacy.
This story originally appeared on Aljazeera.com read the full story
