Major global groups have found it difficult to openly condemn the apparent fraud in Venezuela’s presidential elections, with key member states defending President Nicolás Maduro.
The Organization of American States (OAS) and the European Union are at the top of the list – both organizations were moving towards total censorship of Maduro until the Venezuelan regime’s allies intervened.
In Europe, Hungary’s authoritarian government blocked an EU statement expressing concerns about “flaws and irregularities” in the elections.
Josep Borrell, the EU’s foreign policy chief, later released the statement in his own name.
Across the ocean, Brazil, Mexico and Colombia, the three largest Latin American countries by population, led the effort to give way to Maduro.
“The irony of all this, of course, is that Colombia, Mexico and Brazil, all of these leaders were democratically elected, but yet they somehow fail to apply these same democratic principles to another country, in this case, Venezuela.” , said Eddy Acevedo, chief of staff and senior advisor at the Wilson Center.
The OAS Permanent Council failed to pass a resolution condemning Maduro on Wednesday, although 17 members voted in favor, 11 abstained – including Brazil and Colombia – and five delegations, including Mexico, skipped the session.
Although no members voted against the resolution, an absolute majority of 18 votes was required for approval.
The willingness of democratically elected governments to block or slow down an international response highlights the regional influence of the authoritarian model led by Russia, China and Iran, but also a historic reluctance to align with US desires.
“I think it’s more than anything, not a hug or a hug to Maduro, but an arm’s length relationship that they have with the United States,” said Carl Meacham, a former senior Latin America official at the US Foreign Affairs Committee. Senate. .
Mexico, Brazil and Colombia interact in different ways with global authoritarian regimes, including Russia, China and Iran.
“The defensive posture adopted by the presidents of Colombia, Mexico and Brazil can be interpreted as a reflection of their caution and the need to carefully manage their diplomatic relations and their national interests. These countries are navigating a highly complex environment, where Statements about Venezuela have significant implications not only for its bilateral relations with the neighboring country, but also for its positions in the regional and global context”, said political strategist Sergio José Gutiérrez.
Mexico’s closest relations are two-way trade, whether through the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), or through growing Chinese direct investment in the country.
“China is using Mexico as a front because of the USMCA, because of the supply chain, [the Inflation Reduction Act], CHIPS Act, all that stuff. Now you have companies that are front companies for China that are popping up in Mexico trying to take advantage of these incentives that the US has built in,” Acevedo said.
“So they’re doing it in a way where they disguise themselves as, ‘No, no, we’re a Mexican company,’ but in reality, what’s behind this is the Chinese government. So they are – they are doing it in that sense, more from economic and access perspectives.”
But Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, whose term ends on October 1, has deeper political motivations not to fall behind the United States.
“Part of this has to do with the fact that Mexican foreign policy has traditionally been one of non-intervention, and their intentions are to return to that type of stance. That’s one aspect of it. The other is that he has a month left in office, and I think his focus, his priorities, are trying to push through legislative reforms, and he really doesn’t want — or doesn’t need — to spend a lot of time on international affairs and international affairs,” he said. Meacham.
Colombian President Gustavo Petro and Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva are closer to Maduro, both geographically and ideologically.
However, both South American powers initially rebuked Maduro’s victory claim last Sunday night, calling on the Venezuelan electoral authority to release official tallies that were automatically generated by voting machines.
After causing great embarrassment to Maduro, days later they joined forces with Mexico, Bolivia and a group of countries from Central America and the Caribbean to turn the tide against the United States and the OAS itself.
“I think the situation is that the three countries were not yet ready to vote on the OAS resolution, because they still wanted to give diplomacy a chance, that ‘we are working on this declaration’, right? So they’re trying to play both sides,” Acevedo said.
“I understand this logic. Why we would call for a vote and lose is just shameful. We should have voted. I mean, besides those three countries, there are many other countries on that list that abstained, that should be with us.”
The State Department on Thursday dismissed the importance of the OAS vote by releasing a strongly worded statement signed by Secretary of State Antony Blinken, saying the official results were “deeply flawed” and crediting the victory to opposition candidate Edmundo González , based on 80 percent of the vote count. sheets obtained and published by the opposition.
“We congratulate Edmundo González Urrutia on the success of his campaign. Now is the time for Venezuelan parties to begin discussions on a respectful and peaceful transition, in accordance with Venezuelan electoral law and the wishes of the Venezuelan people. We fully support the process of reestablishing democratic norms in Venezuela and stand ready to consider ways to strengthen it together with our international partners,” Blinken wrote.
Senator Marco Rubio (R-Florida), who has been building a bipartisan anti-Maduro coalition since the election, praised Blinken’s statement,postwhich was “an important step in supporting the Venezuelan people’s aspiration to free themselves from tyranny.”
Rubio on Thursday joined Senate Majority Leader Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) to lead a resolution condemning Maduro, another show of bipartisan opposition.
Louisiana Senator Bill Cassidy (R), in a statement supporting the resolution, presented the geopolitical argument that opposes Venezuela’s anti-democratic ambitions.
“This is a critical moment for our hemisphere. Will we have another 25 years of tyranny and repression just three hours from America? Will we allow the Russians, the Chinese Communist Party, and drug cartels to use Venezuela as ground zero to plot harm against the United States and its allies in the hemisphere?” Cassidy asked in her statement.
This analysis is not far-fetched, and international support is part of what encourages Maduro to pursue opposition leaders.
“I am sure [Venezuelan officials] we know that what they’re asking for and crying out for is undemocratic, and this is just – now the masks are off. You know, this guy needs to be referred to as he is. He is an autocrat. He is a dictator. He has no regard for the international system or democracy. I think that’s what’s starting to happen internationally,” Meacham said.
“But the issue is that this is being mixed into a bigger and bigger game now, the international power play is really how this is playing out now.”
Ironically, the toolkit for the United States and other democracies is both the best available weapon against the spread of authoritarianism and an important driver of that spread.
“Fundamentally, many of these people use each other to get around the sanctions imposed against them by the US and the rest of the international community,” Acevedo said.
“That’s why, for example, a lot of people say, ‘You know, sanctions don’t work.’ Well, what has happened now that we live in 2024 is that the bad guys have discovered that they can operate among themselves as a way of mitigating some of the sanctions.”
Maduro’s other ally is timing: the Venezuelan regime has often waited for the end of massive protests, essentially tiring out the opposition to consolidate its power, legitimate or not.
That leaves the Biden administration a short window of time to impose whatever sanctions it deems most likely to benefit the same opposition that Blinken recognized as winning Sunday’s election.
“The US still has a lot of influence… One of the things we haven’t been very good at is speed. Sometimes the US does the right thing, but it takes a lot to get there. And speed, when it comes to this type of development, [where] things are happening quickly, speed is everything,” Acevedo said.
This story originally appeared on thehill.com read the full story
