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From schools to the Olympics, how France’s staunch secularism affects religion in public life

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MARSEILLE, France – Walk through multicultural metropolises like Paris or Marseille, or any small village in the French countryside, and signs of faith are everywhere. Many Muslim women wear headscarves and historic Catholic churches anchor nearly every neighborhood.

But the French principle of “secularism”, loosely translated as “secularism”, means that “excessive” crosses, or kippahs, or Islamic head coverings cannot be worn by staff, students and players in public schools, hospitals, courts and sports fields – although visitors and spectators can.

As the eyes of the world turn to France, host of the Olympic Games in two months’ time, this unique way of defining the role of religion in public life is coming under greater scrutiny.

The French Constitution states that “France is an indivisible, lay, democratic and social Republic”.

A 1905 law codifying the separation of church and state, freeing them from the influence of the other, is similar to most other modern democratic states, which have also faced a violent history of religious conflicts and absolutist regimes.

But the French version, divergent from neighboring multiculturalist approaches in the United Kingdom or the United States, allows for the restriction of religious expression in public spaces that provide services to citizens. These places should be strictly neutral, emphasizing “that which unites rather than that which divides”, according to a guide written by the Ministry of Education’s council on secularism.

The first space of this type to become legally secular was the school, says Ismaïl Ferhat, professor at Paris Nanterre University. Laws in the 1880s that made education free and compulsory also required public schools not to feature religious views in the curriculum and banned pastors from teaching as well as religious symbols in classrooms.

The context for supporters was, and continues to be, that schools should be free of any expression, political, religious or otherwise, that “disturbs the peace.”

The first major political conflict occurred in 1989, when three students refused to take off their headscarves in a classroom near Paris and were expelled. The nation’s highest administrative court concluded that schools can limit religious symbols that are conspicuous or used “in a spirit of protest.”

After a wave of incidents, a 2004 law banned the use of anything that “clearly manifests religious affiliation” in public schools, although not in universities. Last year, the Education Minister, who is now Prime Minister, said the ban included abayas and qamis, clothing traditionally worn in Muslim-majority countries – a move criticized by the US government’s Commission on International Religious Freedom.

Proponents of this approach say that secularism, especially in schools but also in sports clubs, is crucial if young people are to be free from the pressures of proselytism and radicalization.

The latter has profound repercussions in France, still marked by the 2015 attacks, when Islamic terrorists killed almost 150 people. Special anti-terrorism measures will be implemented during the Olympics, and heavily armed officers routinely patrol major cities, while signs alerting the public to the threat are posted at amusement parks and theaters.

But critics also see the establishment responding to the rise of anti-immigrant political parties, which have fostered the perception of Islam as a danger to the country.

This only exasperated already marginalized communities. There, fear but also defiance grow together, and a feeling of alienation from France runs parallel to a greater attachment to a religious identity, said Françoise Lorcerie, a professor at the University of Aix-Marseille.

The battle against secularism also extends to sport, from physical education in schools to elite athletes.

The Ministry of Education, arguing that there is a growing threat of radicalization in sporting fields, recently published a leaflet reminding schools that students cannot “refuse subjects that seem contrary to their beliefs”. It advises what to do if they present “unjustified” medical certificates to avoid swimming lessons or gym classes.

Last year, France’s highest administrative court ruled that the football federation can ban the wearing of headscarves in competitions, dealing a blow to the group of football players called “Les Hijabeuses”, who initiated legal action against the prohibition.

France’s ban on religious symbols for its athletes at the Olympics is in line not only with the country’s principles of secularism and neutrality, but also with the Olympic Charter, said Médéric Chapitaux, a sports and religion expert who is also a member of the council. of the French government on secularism.

Rule 50.2 of the Charter prohibits any “political, religious or racial demonstration or propaganda” at Olympic venues – and France only strictly observes it by not making exceptions, such as for headscarves, he added. Athletes from other countries will observe their own regulations.

The rule was created in 1975 following highly visible protests by Black American athletes on Olympic podiums as organizers feared racial and Cold War tensions would spill over into the Games, said Debbie Sharnak, a professor at Rowan University who studies the intersection between sports and politics. .

But debates over this rule have long simmered and erupted onto the global stage at the last Games, amid renewed concerns about social justice and freedom of expression.

“Sport has never been a separate entity and if we start placing limits on athletes’ expression, we will be taking away this very important platform,” said Sharnak.

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Associated Press religion coverage receives support through AP’s collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. AP is solely responsible for this content.



This story originally appeared on ABCNews.go.com read the full story

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